The etymology of Chinese 春 ‘spring’ has always intrigued me… Baxter and Sagart (2014) reconstruct 春 *tʰun > tsyhwin > chūn ‘springtime’. The observation that the phonetic in excavated texts is 屯 *dˤun 0427a goes back to Yu Xingwu (Jiang Yubin 2018). Baxter and I might as well have reconstructed *-u[n] because -r is possible: GSR 0427 contains several likely *-r words.
Baxter and Sagart (2014:324) argue that there was in OC a vulgar word for ‘egg’, different from 蛋 and 卵, for which no Chinese character exists: OC *tʰu[n]. It is only attested dialectally: Cantonese tʃʰœn A1, Hakka tʃʰun A1. The word is vulgar because, at least in Cantonese, it also refers to the testicles, but it is also vulgar in the sense of ‘popular’. It was probably not part of the speech of early Chinese literati. For that reason it lacks a character.
Here again, final -n is ambiguous for -r. The word is a homophone of 春 *tʰun > tsyhwin > chūn ‘springtime’. Assuming the ending was *-r rather than *-n, the word exhibits the Sino-Tibetan sound correspondence OC *-ur, Bodo -əy, Lushai -ui, -Proto-Karen *-ej, WT *-u, matching the PTB word for ‘egg’ in Benedict’s Conspectus (1972): *twiy=twəy.
Written Tibetan | Boro (Bhat) | Lushai (Lorrain) | Proto-Karen (Luang.) | OC (B-S) | PST (tentative) |
n.a. | dəy ‘egg’ | tui ‘egg’ | Ɂdej B ‘egg’ | tʰu[r] ‘egg’ | #tʰur |
chu ‘water’ | dəy ‘water, river’ | tui ‘water’ | thej A ‘water’ | s.turʔ ‘river, water’ | #s-turʔ |
mchu ‘lip’ | (gusu)təy ‘lip’ | (not cognate) | n.a. | sə.dur ‘lip’ | #m-tur |
There is a connection between eggs and the Chinese new year season. In general birds “will nest and lay eggs during the warmer months in the north [of the US, LS]. Typically, the timeline ranges between early spring and late summer” (here). Late winter or spring is the time that hens (at least those presumably old varieties that do not lay eggs year-round) start laying eggs. One US site (here) reports that
“One of our employees who’s at a mid-latitude in the US reports that any girls [hens, LS] who stop laying during the winter begin again regularly–and surprisingly precisely–on February 1 or 2, about halfway between the winter solstice and the spring equinox.”
I wonder if the Chinese name of spring is not etymologically “when hens start laying eggs” again after the winter interruption. This would be a time worth recording for early Chinese farmers who raised chickens. The mid-latitude US date for the onset of egg-laying corresponds well with the Chinese New Year: “the first day of Chinese New Year begins on the new moon that appears between 21 January and 20 February” (Wikipedia: here).
If valid, this etymology implies that hen-keeping was widespread at the time of the ‘egg’ > ‘spring’ semantic shift, although this may be before the Old Chinese period, perhaps well before.
Addendum Feb 22, 2023: Ma Kun 马坤 points out a paper by Jiang Yubin 蔣玉斌 where the palaeography of 春 is described. The oracle bone graph has 屯 phonetic and clumps of growing grass as signific. No graphical chickens or eggs to be seen ! But considering that ‘egg’ in the language of literati was probably 卵, that the presence of the meaning ‘testicle’ made *tʰu[r] an unpalatable association, and perhaps also that the semantic link between springtime and eggs was not necessarily obvious to upper-class city dwellers, it is not overly surprising that an association with eggs is not apparent in the oldest known form of 春.
Finally, a question: don’t New Year yuanxiao 元宵 (here) look like eggs ?
References
Benedict (1972) Sino-Tibetan: a conspectus. Cambridge University Press.
蔣玉斌 Jiang Yubin (2018) 释甲骨文金文的“蠢”兼论相关问题。 复旦学报 2018,5:118-138.
OpenEdition suggests that you cite this post as follows:
Laurent Sagart (February 11, 2023). Chinese 春 ‘spring’: beginning of the egg-laying season? Sino-Tibetan-Austronesian. Retrieved October 4, 2024 from https://doi.org/10.58079/ukdr
Quails lay in the spring and Cantonese and maybe other dialects also pronounces quail 鶉 same as 春.
The word for ‘quail’ is 鶉 *[d]ur > dzywin > chún ‘quail’ GSR 0464j). Quails are noticeably short-tailed. The word is cognate with 隹 *tu[r] > tsywij > zhuī ‘short-tailed birds (Shuo Wen)’ (GSR 0575a), so the [d] initial in 鶉 is probably to be disambiguated as *t, with a nasal prefix—here probably animal m-—responsible for the voicing in MC. The central idea here is not so much ‘shortness’ as the rounded or ‘blunt’ aspect of the bird’s rump: There are TB cognates:
#574 PTB *r-t(u/i)l BUTTOCKS / HEEL / DULL / BLUNT / ROUNDED PART
Lepcha tultul ‘short, stumped, as a tail’ (Mainwaring)
and Austronesian cognates: root *-tul ‘thick, dull’.
So I believe the Chinese name of the quail is not cognate with ‘spring’ or ‘egg’, but with words like 敦 *tˤur-s > twojH > duì ‘globular vessel for millet offerings’ GSR 0464p.